home
***
CD-ROM
|
disk
|
FTP
|
other
***
search
/
TIME: Almanac 1990
/
1990 Time Magazine Compact Almanac, The (1991)(Time).iso
/
time
/
042489
/
04248900.028
< prev
next >
Wrap
Text File
|
1990-09-17
|
4KB
|
71 lines
WORLD, Page 33SOVIET UNIONWith Georgia on His MindGorbachev faces yet another violent eruption of nationalismBy Nancy Traver/MOSCOW
Shortly after noon last Thursday, crockery rattled as a quake
hit Tbilisi, the capital of the Soviet Republic of Georgia. It was
a minor tremor -- especially when compared with the political
convulsion that shook the city four days earlier. Then, at a rally
that stretched into the early-morning hours of Sunday, tens of
thousands of Georgians listened to a megaphone of speakers demand
greater freedom from Moscow. Many protesters carried the
black-white-and-claret flag that waved during Georgia's most recent
period of independence, from 1918 to 1921. Others hoisted signs
that read DOWN WITH THE DECAYING SOVIET EMPIRE.
At 4 a.m., some 6,000 demonstrators remained, refusing to
leave. Catholicos-Patriarch of the Georgian Orthodox Church Ilya
II warned the crowd of an impending "horror," but he was hooted
down. Suddenly the streetlights went out, and darkness descended
on Rustaveli Prospekt, the city's main avenue. Waves of soldiers,
supported by tanks and armored personnel carriers, swept into the
crowd carrying clubs and spades. Some citizens fought back with
rocks. Others bolted, trampling women and the elderly.
When the street fell silent, 16 people lay dead and nearly 250
were injured; three later died of their wounds. It was the worst
day of ethnic violence in the Soviet Union since February 1988,
when 32 died after gangs of Azerbaijanis hunted down Armenians in
the Azerbaijan city of Sumgait. The authorities immediately imposed
an 11 p.m.-to-6 a.m. curfew. Foreign Minister Eduard Shevardnadze,
a native of Georgia, canceled a trip to East and West Germany and
flew to Tbilisi, where he appealed for calm. A government
commission was set up to investigate the deaths, and Georgian party
boss Dzhumber Patiashvili resigned along with two other members of
the republic's ruling Politburo. In an emotional speech reported
on Vremya, the nightly news program, Patiashvili had already
admitted that "this is our mutual grief, and we are responsible."
The Soviet leadership closed Tbilisi to foreign journalists,
but it could not hide from the truth: the thorny problem of
nationalism had erupted in violence yet again in one of Mikhail
Gorbachev's non-Russian republics. From the Baltic republics to
earthquake-devastated Armenia, greater independence from Moscow has
become a rallying cry. The latest troubles began last month, when
a minority group known as the Abkhazians, who live in an autonomous
enclave in the western part of Georgia, demanded full independence.
Georgians, who account for 48% of the population in Abkhazia where
Abkhazians are a mere 17%, staged counterprotests, which quickly
spread to Tbilisi and mushroomed into calls for more autonomy from
Moscow and even secession. As funeral processions snaked through
Tbilisi's streets last week, Gorbachev said he was "deeply grieved"
by the tragedy but warned that "we will not allow a blow to be
dealt to the brotherhood of the U.S.S.R. or to the cause of
reform."
In 1978, when Moscow attempted to replace Georgian with Russian
as the republic's official language, protesters flooded the avenues
of Tbilisi. But the region's party secretary defused the crisis by
boldly stepping before the angry crowds and announcing that he
agreed with them. His name: Eduard Shevardnadze.
Shevardnadze persuaded Moscow that its plans were foolish, but
he may not be as successful in placating tempers this time. Only
a public trial and punishment of the army officers responsible for
the decision to clear the crowd is likely to satisfy the Georgians,
and many will still press for more independence from Moscow. The
Supreme Soviet last week issued a double-edged decree that is not
likely to improve matters. It replaces discredited laws against
dissidents but conveniently enables the state to imprison those
found guilty of "kindling inter-ethnic or racial hostility." Unless
ethnic passions in Tbilisi can be lulled, the Georgians may find
themselves among the first to test that new law.